TIME MAGAZINE
Montgomery Bus Boycott
(January 16, 1956)
On December 1, 1955, Mrs. Rosa Parks, a
42-year-old Negro seamstress, was ordered by a Montgomery City Lines bus
driver to get up and make way for some white passengers. She refused, was
arrested and fined $10 under an Alabama law making it a misdemeanor for
any person to disobey a bus driver's seating instructions. But that was
not the last of the Rosa Parks case; it has since been used to prove that
economic reprisal, as advocated against Negroes by the white Citizens
Councils of the South, is a double-edged blade.
Within 48 hours after Rosa Parks had been
arrested, mimeographed leaflets were being circulated in Montgomery's
Negro sections, calling for a one-day boycott of the city buses. The
strike was so successful that Negro leaders decided to continue it until
their demands were met. The demands: that Negroes be seated on a
first-come, first-served basis without having to vacate their places for
white passengers; that white bus drivers show more courtesy toward Negro
passengers; that Negro drivers be employed on buses traveling mostly
through Negro districts. The bus company agreed only to instruct its
drivers to treat Negroes more politely.
The boycott continued, and last week, as it
entered its second month, was still 95% effective.
The boycott's economic punch has been
staggering, because the 25,000 Negroes who ordinarily ride Montgomery's
buses make up some 75% of the company's patronage. Company officials
refuse to reveal the size of their losses, because "that's exactly what
they want to know."
Last week the city commission granted the
desperate company's request for a fare increase; adult prices went up from
10 cents to 15 cents, school fares from 5 cents to 8 cents, and transfers,
which had been free, were priced at 5 cents. The strike spirit showed no
signs of flagging. A Negro minister, working for the car pool, stopped to
pick up an old woman who had obviously walked a long way. "Sister," said
he, "aren't you getting tired?" Her reply: "My soul has been tired for a
long time. Now my feet are tired, and my soul is resting."
(April 2, 1956)
For 100 years Negroes walked soft and spoke
low around Alabama's Montgomery County courthouse. Then, for four days
last week, the tramp of Negro feet sounded heavy in the dingy downstairs
corridors, on the creaking steps and in the second-floor hallway (with its
sign reading, "Gentlemen will not and others must not spit on the floor").
In the drab courtroom, decorated by an American Flag and five advertising
calendars, Negro voices were raised in pain and anger. And outside the old
courthouse, shabby for all its pretensions of Greek revival elegance, a
Negro crowd roared hope.
On trial in Montgomery was the Rev. Martin
Luther King Jr., 27, pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church and leader
of the Negro boycott against the Montgomery bus company. King was the
first of 90 defendants (including 24 ministers) to be tried under the
Alabama law (enacted in 1921 as an antilabor measure) making it a
misdemeanor to conspire "without a just cause or legal excuse" to hinder
any company in its conduct of business. The persecution concentrated on
proving that the Montgomery Improvement Association, with Pastor King as
president, was organized last Dec. 5, the day the bus boycott began, for
the specific purpose of supporting the boycott and forcing Negro demands
on the bus company. The defense aim was to prove, within the meaning of
the stature, that the Negro protest against Jim Crow practices on the
buses was just.
As a witness, Defendant King argued that the
boycott began spontaneously, that he had not instigated it but had become
its spokesman after it had already developed. It did not take Judge Carter
long to hand down his verdict (King had waived a jury trial: King was
found guilty, fined $500, assessed $500 in court costs, and released on
bond pending appeal.
November 26, 1956)
To the 50,000 Negroes of Montgomery, Ala., the
week dawned (as one of them put it) "darker than a thousand midnights."
For more than eleven months, in a mass movement combining Christian fervor
with Ghandi-like passive resistance, they had mounted and sustained in the
"Cradle of the Confederacy" an almost total boycott of the city's
segregated buses. Led by a handful of well-educated and young Negro
leaders--notably by the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., 27, pastor of a
local Baptist church--they had efficiently put together and operated a car
pool of some 200 vehicles to ferry themselves to and from work. Now the
leaders and lawyers sat glumly in the Montgomery County courthouse waiting
for the state circuit court to outlaw the Negro car pool on the
charge--made by the city commission--that it was actually a business
enterprise operating without a franchise.
In the middle of the proceedings they saw an
A.P. reporter hand a piece of paper to their white opponents, who promptly
hustled outside. Minutes later the news was out: the Supreme Court, ruling
on the Montgomery case, had unanimously upheld a district court's ruling
that the "separate but equal" doctrine was now as legally dead for
segregated public transportation as it had already been declared dead of
public schools and public recreational facilities. The effect of the
decision: to invalidate Alabama's intrastate Jim Crow bus laws and to set
the grounds for invalidating similar laws in eleven other Southern states.